ADDITIONS, ERRATA, EMENDATA, EXCUSES
16 Mar. 2008
Corrections to Florida Ethnobotany (CRC Press, 2004)
Page vii (Acknowledgments) - Richard C. Felger should be Richard S. Felger; his middle name is Stephen.
Page x (Acknowledgments) - Near the end it says that "Two drawings are pre-Columbian:" It should have said "pre-Linnaean:"
Pages 31, 41 - Mosiera longipes was supposed to be illustrated with Eugenia. The drawing was accidentally omitted.
Page 50 - While the book was in press, I learned that seeds of Florida's Setaria parviflora (Poiret) Kerguélen (=S. geniculata P. Beauvois) had been gathered for food. I previously had suspected that the genus was used but missed the references earlier. After the book appeared, the known history of the genus was discussed in Economic Botany 60(2):143-158. 2006.
Page 51 - Last line. The word should be "Acoma" and not "acoma."
Page 68 - Under Agave, tribe under a'ud should be "Hia-ced."
Page 69 - Right column, paragraph 2, line 4. "Hai-ced" should be "Hia-ced."
Page 79 - Right column, fifth name down. "huisquilite" should be italicized, i.e. , "huisquilite."
Page 150 - I fell into an ancient confused and confusing series of names for totally different plants in completely distinct languages (and language groups) when I commented on the name tacamahaca for Bursera and Populus balsamifera. What I wrote is correct, but it is not the entire story.
The original tacamahaca was Bursera, and the name was derived from Náhuatl, the Aztec language. However, by the early 1700s, tacamahaca had become generic for resinous material from American trees. Philip Miller was one of the first to write the name generically in 1739. Then, in 1759, he pointed out that the name was used for a resin sold in "Shops." Those were pharmaceutical shops because it was a medicinal compound, and had been since Monardes introduced it to Spain in the 1560s and Frampton translated his 1574 book into English in 1577.
Whether the same name became applied to these two trees because of medicinal resin whose source was a mystery, or because of confusion with another temperate tree is not clear. Certainly, early settlers found Algonquian speakers calling another tree the akemantak (snowshoe wood). By 1792 the word was recorded in what is now New Hampshire as "hakmantaks." By 1805, it had been transformed to "hackmatack." Everyone agrees that the original plants were Larix, gymnosperms with resinous sap.
Soon hackmatack was altered to tamarack. Lewis and Clark used both hackmatack and tamarack in 1805. However, it was 1810 before botanist André Michaux equated those two with American larch as used in New Jersey. Later the word tamarack was extended by western settlers to lodgepole pines (Pinus contorta), and that may have been one of the species Lewis and Clark originally used it for.
Tacamahaca, akemantak, hackmatack, and tamarack are all confusingly similar, and soon resulted in a complex history of plant names.
Page 161 - Left column, Canavalia, under "jack-bean" - "Gardia" should be "Garcia"
Page 185 - Right column, last line. "Heroditus" should be "Herodotus."
Page 192 - Left column, paragraph 2, third line from bottom. - The sentence now reads "Decoctions were also used treat skin infections…" It should be "to treat"
Page 204 - Left column, paragraph 2, lines 6-7. The sentence reads "They call Chromolaena odorata bitter-bush." The mss. correctly had "Bitter-bush they call Chromolaena odorata." Somewhere the sentence was changed and the meaning was altered.
Page 210 - Under Cicuta, Old World "hemlock" was Conium virosa. Both in the genus etymology and under the species (right column, first paragraph), the "C. virosa" should be Conium maculatum.
Page 215 - Right column, first line of text - "that" is duplicated. It should read: "Fairchild quipped that those he introduced…."
Page 220 - Left column. Second name under Clematis - "ampelomelaena." This name is based on ampelos, NOT ameplos.
Page 230-231 - I did not find
an etymology for the common name "soldier-wood" for Colubrina. Instead, I speculated on how it might have arisen. Then,
in Feb. 2008, Bob Showler (Everglades
National Park) contacted me about the name. He wrote "I'd read [in J. P.
Scurlock's Native Trees & Shrubs of
the Florida Keys, Laurel & Herbert
Inc., 2nd edition, 1992] that
this species is so-named because when its fruit are ripe they pop open to
release their seeds. This produces a sound like soldiers' gunshots, hence the
Yesterday I was standing on the edge of the 12-acre hammock adjacent to my office in Key Largo when I began to hear little popping sounds. All along the edge of this hammock are soldierwood trees, and currently they are covered with fruit. Some of the fruit appeared to be burst open, indicating that they had recently ‘popped.' I looked onto the deck of a boat parked nearby, and, sure enough, there were several tiny, shiny black soldierwood seeds, indicating that the tree was dispersing its seeds to several feet away."
Thanks Bob! I missed that!
Page 232 - For Commelina erecta, the etymology of the common name mataliste was suggested as being from mata, plant, lisa, smooth. Subsequently, I found another derivation—from matalitztic (matalin, dark green, itztic, cold, Náhuatl).
Page 232 - Both drawing caption and text should refer to Conyza canadensis, not "canadense."
Page 244 - Chuck McCartney pointed out to me that "string lily" is one of the most common names for Crinum americanum in Florida.
Page 249 - Left column, continuation of Crotalaria - both Spanish ajonjoli and English "sesame" are from Arabic. The English is from simsim; ajonjoli is from al-ŷulŷulán. Dorothea Bedigian confirmed the Spanish word (25 May 2005), and her 2004 paper records the English (History and lore of sesame in Southwest Asia. Economic Botany 58(3):329-353).
Page 250 - Left column, next to last paragraph, second sentence. The sentence reads: "That must have close to the end of the time …" It should read "have been close," as it was in the original mss.
Page 253 - Broadwell (1992; Reconstructing Proto-Muskogean language and prehistory: preliminary results, talk given at a conference in St. Augustine, FL; also www.albany.edu/anthro/fac/broadwell/flora.pdf) considered the following as cognate with words for squash (Cucurbita) and not with gourd (Lagenaria, p. 393) where I placed them: shokshi' (Chickasaw); shukshi okpulo (shukshi now means watermelon; surely a transference from this older use, okpulo, bad or spoiled, Choctaw); shukshubok [shukshihobok] (shukshi, watermelon, holba, resembling, Choctaw); kochi (Alabama).
Page 263 - The name under the illustration is Descurania. It should be Descurainia.
Page 266 - Heading of species should be spelled "Dicliptera" and not Diclipta."
Page 275 - Left column, 4 lines from bottom - "Vickery 1997" should be "Vickery 1995"
Page 286 - Left column, beginning of last paragraph - Moerman (1988) should be "1998."
Page 292 - Right column, line 2 - extra comma
Page 292 - Right column, paragraph 2, line 4, "coakko" should be "coɬakko"
Page 296 - Left column - "taki" should be "takɬi"
Page 299 - Right column, 2nd text paragraph, 5 lines from bottom - remove "—" (em) from between "morning-glory" and "created"
Page 300 - Right column, next to last paragaph, line 10 from bottom - "(tropane-3β-ol, formerly called tropane)" should read "(tropane-3α-ol, formerly called tropane)." Line 12, "3Δ-tropanol" should be "3α-tropanol"
Page 311 - Left column, last line - "ó" should be italic in "oyakɬó:ska"
Page 318 - Left column, paragraph under names, line 10 - Catesby's book was published 1731-1732 (NOT 1731-1932).
Page 324 - Right column, under Gnaphalium. In 2002, Jason Baird Jackson published a paper called "Spirit medicine: Native American uses of common everlasting (Pseudognaphalium obtusifolium) in eastern North America" (Occasional Papers Sam Nobel Oklahoma Museum of Natural History 13:1-17). Pseudognaphalium obtusifolium is the current name for Gnaphalium obtusifolium. Jackson add the Yuchi name tsodasha (spirit medicine, literally tso, sun, dasha, medicine). He also added gawsuki (smeller) and kosdedv' usti'ɬi (ashes little) as alternate Cherokee names, and transcribed another as kastuta egwa, not simply kasd'uta as listed on p. 325 (left column). This paper draws together several sources, uses, and views not covered in my treatment of this genus.
Page 326 - Under Goodyera pubescens, paragraph 3, line 2 - "an anemetic" should be "an emetic," as in the original mss.
Page 326 - Under Gordonia - under the common name "loblolly bay" is cited the paper by Austin 1991. That does not contain the data. The word "loblolly" means a wet swampy place.
Page 331 - Left column, under Guajacum, line 3 of text - it should be "Lignumvitae Key Botanical State Park," not "Lignum Vitae Key National Botanical Site." Same change in right column, line 1.
Page 335 - Left column, 4th name from bottom - "assonakko" should be "assonɬakkô," as it was in the original mss.
Page 339 - The Onondaga name for Hamamelis is oeennahkewhahe <oe-en-nah-kew-ha-he> (spotted stick, Borland, B. D., ed. 1985. Hal Borland's Twelve Moons of the Year. G.K. Hall & Co., Boston.).
Page 343 - Right column, second paragraph, line 3 from bottom under Helianthus - "become" should be "became," as it was in the original mss.
Page 345 - "Sunflower" under common names. The oldest record in Europe is from Leonard Fuchs's unpublished mss. dated 1544-1555 (Meyer et al. 1999).
Page 345 - Right column, first paragraph, last 2 lines - "Lentz et al. 2001" should be "Lentz et al. 2001a"; "Lentz 2001a,b" should be "Lentz et al. 2001a,b"
Page 345 - Helianthus account - the earliest known European drawing of Helianthus is actually Leonard Fuchs, 1544-1555, and NOT as previously thought from Dodoens in 1568 (cf. Meyer, F.G., Trueblood, E.E. and Miller, J.L. 1999. The Great Herbal of Leonhart Fuchs. De historia stirpium commentarii insignes, 1542. Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA).
Page 345 - Helianthus account - "Flos solis" was applied to Helianthus by Fuchs 1544-1555; later in 1560s to Heliotropium.
Page 349 - Left column, paragraph 3, line 3 should read - "They usually call black pepper …" as it was in the original mss.
Page 349 - Right column, line 3 under "Heliotropium: Scorpion-tail" - Common name "soguilla" means "little cord," based on soga, Spanish.
Page 353 - Left column, under drawing, "Hibsicus moschatus" should be "Hibsicus moscheutos"
Page 353 - Right column, paragraph 3, next to last line - "H. moschatus" should be "H. moscheutos"
Page 366 - Like many other species in the family, Ipomoea pandurata has been confused with plants called mechoacan. The Online OED still has them confused. Part of the problem appears also to have resulted from another indigenous name for them—mechameck (also mechamek or me:xá:me:k, "the one that has a large vine," Unami Delaware, Algonquian Language family).
The OED Online suggests that the first reference to I. pandurata was by John Clayton (1665-?), the father of the botanist John Clayton (1694-1773). Clayton wrote a letter to Dr. Drew in 1687 about indigenous plant medicines; it was later published in (Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 41:150. 1739). In the letter Clayton wrote "There is another Herb, which they call the Indian Purge: This plant has several woody Stalks growing near three Feet tall, and, as I remember, perfoliat: It bears yellow Berries round about the Joints: They only make use of the Root of this Plant." The description does not fit I. pandurata—it is not a shrub, not woody, and does not have yellow berries.
The first reference traced to mechameck dates from 1775. David Zeisberger listed "Me cha meck, wild Rhubarb, a Root" in his Essay of a Delaware-Indian and English spelling-book. The association of I. pandurata and mechameck continued, with William J. Titford (Sketches towards a Hortus Botanicus Americanus. 1811) writing that the "Wild potato-vine, C[onvulvulus] Panduratus, is supposed to be the mechameck or wild rhubarb of the Indians: in Delaware the root is called cussander." Later authors mentioned mechameck and many thought the plant was what we now call Ipomoea pandurata. Those who knew it as such include C. S. Rafinesque (Medical Flora of the United States. 1828), John Lindley (The vegetable kingdom. 1846), and Maud Grieve (A Modern Herbal. 1931).
Because of the similarity of the Delaware mechameck and the Náhuatl mechoacan (Ipomoea jalapa), and the laxative nature of both species, many authors confused this North American species with the Mexican. Mechoacan (correctly michoacán) means "place of the lord of the fishes," a meaning that has absolutely nothing to do with plants except that it was the source from which Europeans first obtained some medicinal Mexican roots.
Mechoacan appeared in English in 1577 when John Frampton translated Monardes book Historia de las Cosas que traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales que sirven en Medicia into English. Because Europeans had seen only roots they were uncertain what it was and began using mechoacan for almost any member of the family with laxative properties. While the Clayton specimen from the 1730s in the British Museum of Natural History herbarium has the word mechoacan written on it, it was 1859 when J. R. Bartlett (Dictionary of Americanisms. A glossary of words and phrases usually regarded as peculiar to the United State, ed. 2) who associated mechoacan with plants "growing … from Connecticut to Illinois and southwards." This was I. pandurata. From that point until now, mechameck and mechoacan have been confused. The OED Online even mixes in I. macrorhiza, incorrectly as a synonym of I. jalapa, another distinct species that has been called mechoacan.
Below is added information on
appearance in print of the names for I.
pandurata listed in Florida
man-of-the-earth (1818, John Torrey, A catalogue of plants, growing spontaneously within thirty miles of the City of New-York)
man-root (1846, W. H. Emory, Notes Military Reconnaissance. Although Emory listed this correctly as I. leptophylla, it later was used for I. pandurata by C. E. Hobbs, Botanical hand-book of common local, English, botanical and pharmacopœial name…1876).
wild potato [wild-potato] [vine] (1811, William J. Titford, Sketches towards a Hortus Botanicus Americanus)
Page 367 - Left column, paragraph under Ipomoea sagittata - "Snake Sickness" (quotes omitted in book).
Page 397 - Right column, 3rd paragraph, 4th line from bottom - the etymology says that the Lantana came "from lenta viburna, based on lingus." The last word should read "lentus." Accidentally changing the letters to make lengus dramatically alters the meaning!
Page 404-405 - Page 404 says Lilium is from Greek lirion; page 405 as leirion, which is the correct transcription of the Greek word.
Page 407 - Liquidambar - the common name helúkfvmécv correctly says that helok is black gum; it does not say that fvmécv means "sweet."
Page 411 - The tribal name "Shoshoni" appears several times here and on a few other pages. Elsewhere it is spelled "Shoshone." Both are alternate correct spellings. The people themselves prefer the spelling "Shoshoni." Linguists now write it ṣoṣoni.
Page 418, Right column, under Lysiloma. The sentence says that the tree was growing "south of Boynton." Technically, that should have been "Boynton Beach." This will not bother anyone except those who live in the area, and even there "Boynton Beach" (the official name) is almost always abbreviated to "Boynton" by long-time residents.
Page 419 - Figure legend under Lysiloma. The species name should be spelled "latisiliquum."
Color plates between pp. 426 and 427. Magnolia triapetala should be "Magnolia tripetala."
Page 428 - Right column, genus Malus. What is not said about the Celtic names for apples is that their root av differs from the apf or app of Saxony. Also not noted is that there are many pre-Roman place names in Europe that contain this Celtis root, the most famous being Ynys Avallach, the Isle of Avalon. Barrie Juniper and David Mabberley (The Story of the Apple, Timber Press, 2006) convincingly suggest that there were cultivated sweet apples (Malus pumila or M. domestica) in northern Europe long before the Romans spread their cultivars about. Evidence is based not only on linguistics, but archaeological, and historical records.
Also (p. 429), my text implies but does not state that "pippin" in English is based on the Old French word pipin or pepin (ca.1175), a seed. That is indeed the case, and the history of the word is tied up with the modern French pépin, Spanish pepita, and perhaps with Italian pippo (Tuscany), Middle Dutch pepping, and Middle Low German peppinc. The ultimate origin is unclear, but it may have come from a Romance base pep-, meaning small.
Page 443 - Last line of Monotropa, the species should be "hypopithys" and not "hypopitys."
Page 443 - Brown and Hardy (2000; Brown, C. H. and H. K. Hardy. What is Houma? International Journal of American Linguistics 66(4):521-548) added ē'lí (mulberry, Houma), ani (Choctaw), aniˀ (Chickasaw), aɬi (berry, Alabama), aɬí (berry, Koasati) to the names for Morus (mulberry). While they considered the words similar, they did not think they were all cognates.
They show an interesting additional point, but do not comment on it further. Bihi means "fig" in Mobilian, but it is clearly related to bihi (Choctaw), bihiˀ (Chickasaw), bihi (Alabama), all words for mulberry. Could this be another overlap of names between species? Was bihi used at one time to designate both Ficus and Morus? Linguists are mute on that point.
Page 454 - Nicotiana account - Mikasuki name "askomi" should be grouped with "chomak." The Mikasuki word is cognate with Koasati hakommí. Two other Muskogean names are hakcoma (Apalachee) and hakcoma finha (ceremonial tobacco, N. rustica, Apalachee) (Kimball 1988; Kimball, G. An Apalachee vocabulary. International Journal of American Linguistics 54(4):387-398). It is unstated if the second name was applied to the old species after introduction of N. tabacum or not; it may have been in a case analogous to the opossum and hog (cf. p. 590).
Broadwell (1992; Reconstructing Proto-Muskogean language and prehistory: preliminary results, talk given at a conference in St. Augustine, FL; also www.albany.edu/anthro/fac/broadwell/flora.pdf) adds in novel etymology to the words for tobacco. He notes that hici (Creek) is from hic-ita, to see, so the plant is a "seer" or a "seen" thing; the alternate name is haisa, penis). Similarly, akcomi (penis-like, Hitichiti) is based on akc-i, penis, Hitichiti; cognate with cici (Alabama, Koasati), hakchin (Choctaw, Chickasaw), and inkilish, Chickasaw). Both references allude to the tobacco origin story.
Page 455 - Nicotiana account, left column, near bottom - "punche" - I failed to include that the name "punche" is derived from language of the Keresan tribe (Ford 1975).
Page 456 - Leonard Fuchs had a drawing of Nicotiana tabacum done between 1544 and 1555. This is the earliest known in Europe (cf. Meyer, F.G., Trueblood, E.E. and Miller, J.L. 1999. The Great Herbal of Leonhart Fuchs. De historia stirpium commentarii insignes, 1542. Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA).
Page 456 - The species name under Packera should be "jacobaea," and not "jabocaea," as in the second reference.
Page 478 - The second reference to "Packera aureus" should be "Packera aurea."
Page 489, right column - The last sentence says there are two species native to Florida; only Pentalinon luteum is there; the other species is in the other areas.
Page 490 - Persea borbonia. The specific name borbonia may commemorate the French Bourbon Kings, who reigned from 1589, with Henry IV, until 1788 when the food riots in France ousted Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette. Before Linnaeus (1753), Borbonia was used as the generic name for what is now Persea. In 1753, Linnaeus decided to use Borbonia for a genus of legumes, and Philip Miller continued the name Persea in 1754 that Flemish Charles de l'Ecluse began applying in 1601. Linnaeus's genus Borbonia is now put in synonymy with Aspalanthus, a South African legume genus he created for a group including the commercial beverage rooibos or Hottentot tea.
Page 491 - Left column, 1st paragraph, line 3 from bottom - "boatbuilding" should be "boat-building"
Page 491 - Right column, 2nd paragraph, line 3 - "these plants" should be "Persea"
Page 493 - My friend and colleague Alex Velasco Levy, who grew up in Mexico City, taught me that alpiste (French) is also the name of this grass in Spanish.
Page 494 - Left column - Although I correctly note that Erythrina (p. 292) was itco intcastuge (icho, deer, im+chastoki, its bean, Alabama), I failed to include the generic for bean under Phaseolus. Broadwell (1992; Reconstructing Proto-Muskogean language and prehistory: preliminary results, talk given at a conference in St. Augustine, FL; also www.albany.edu/anthro/fac/broadwell/flora.pdf) noted that chastoki is cognate with Creek tvlako [tala:ko].
Page 503 - Right column, 5th paragraph, line 1 - Phyllanthus "nirun" should read "niruri"
Page 503 - Right column, legend under drawing of Physocarpus. The species should be "opulifolius" as in the text below.
Page 503 - To the list of names for pines (Pinus), Hardy and Brown (1988) have added ete'niya' (pine, Houma), iti ti(y)ak, ti(y)ak (iti, tree, niya, fat, Mobilian), tiyak, tiaȏksȇs (Choctaw), tiyak (Chickasaw). The literal translation of these words in all languages is "fat wood," and it was given by Swanton in French as bois gras. This points out a use not included in the book, the resinous rich heartwood that was important in making fires. This same sense is inherent in the Náhuatl ocote, torch. Whether the Muskogean names gave rise to the English word "fatwood" is problematical, but I it did. Although the OED Online (2006) says that the word first appeared in Marjorie K. Rawlings book Yearling (Charles Scribner's Sons, 1938), it had clearly been in use long before then in regional English. The concept of "light-wood" has been a part of English since at least 1685 when it too referred to resinous wood for starting fires. The concept is much older, going back in Latin to taeda, with cognates in Spanish as tea.
Page 513, right column, 3rd paragraph from bottom, line 6 - Jim Duke pointed out to me that the word "balsamic" incorrectly appears as "baslasic."
Page 520 - Under Pityopsis - paháɬlo'ci should be paháɬo'ci
Page 521 - As a name for Plantago, all I had found on "white-man's footprint" was that it was used by "New England Indians, tribe not specified, cf. Millspaugh 1892." Subsequently, I have discovered that it is much older, being mentioned by John Clayton in a letter written in 1687 (Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 41:145-146. 1739).
Clayton wrote "As to our Plantain… they [Algonquian people] call it the Englishman's-foot, and have a Tradition, that it will only grow where they have trodden, and was never known before the English came into this Country."
Page 538 - Neihardt, J. G. (1988. Black Elk Speaks. Being the Life Story of a Holy Man of the Oglala Sioux. Bison Books, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln) gives the Oglala Lakota name for the cottonwood tree as waga chun (rustling tree). The translation he gives is at odds with the one given by another source ("take off tree," alluding to the bark fed to horses). Since Neihardt was working with Black Elk's bilingual son, his rendition is most likely correct.
The species was both used and revered by the Ogalala, and Black Elk told of numerous occasions where the tree was used in sacred context.
Page 557 -
Although the 1971 edition of the OED used the etymology of "ak+korn" (oak
fruit), the current online edition (4 May 2005) has the following change in
"appears to have been originally ‘fruit of the unenclosed land, natural produce of the forest,' mast of oak, beech, etc., as in HG., extended in Gothic to ‘fruit' generally, and gradually confined in Low G., Scand., and Eng., to the most important forest produce, the mast of the oak. (See Grimm, under Ackeran and Ecker.) In Ælfric's Genesis xliv. 11, it had perhaps still the wider sense, a reminiscence of which also remains in the ME. akernes of okes. Along with this restriction of application, there arose a tendency to find in the name some connetion with oak, OE. ác, north. ake, aik. Hence the 15th and 16th c. refashionings ake-corn, oke-corn, ake-horn, oke-horn, with many pseudo-etymological and imperfectly phonetic variants. Of these the 17th c. literary acron seems to simulate the Gr. top, point, peak. The normal mod. repr. of OE. æcern would be akern, akren, or ?atchern as already in 4; the actual acorn is due to the 16th c. fancy that the word corn formed part of the name."
Page 561 - Menispermum, first paragraph, line 6 - Should read "Gronovius's … and called…" The "and" was accidentally omitted.
Page 561 - Left column, under palo de papaxi - "Nyssa" should be italic (Nyssa).
Page 561 - Brown and Hardy (2000; Brown, C. H. and H. K. Hardy. What is Houma? International Journal of American Linguistics 66(4):521-548) list tcakla' (Houma) as generic for "blackberry" (Rubus). They found no cognates within other Muskogean vocabularies nor in any other languages in the nearby geographic region of these people. No similarities were found, and they concluded that tcakla' was a unique word within that Muskogean language.
Page 593 - Right column, third paragraph under Sambucus. "Cognate name" should be plural, "Cognate names."
Page 643 - Reference to Spigelia "marylandica" should be "marilandica."
Page 650 - common names were omitted from the index. Yaw root (insert p. 907), marcory (insert p. 863).
Page 654 - Left column, paragraph 2, line 5 from bottom - romeín should be romerín.
Page 661 - I had found that a'tsina', the Cherokee name for cypress (Taxodium), was a loan from Muskogee. Apparently my source had it backwards. Haas (Haas, M. R. 1941. The classification of Muskogean languages. In L. Spier, et al., ed. Language, culture and personality: Essays in memory of Edward Sapir. Banta Publishing, Menasha, WI) considered it the other way around—from Cherokee to Muskogean. It seems likely that the word was transferred from some species like Juniperus (cf. p. 378) or Chamaecyparis (cf. p. 194) to the southern species since both Cherokees and Muskogeans are thought to have arrived in the area from the north.
Brown and Hardy (2000; Brown, C. H. and H. K. Hardy. What is Houma? International Journal of American Linguistics 66(4):521-548) added cankolo' (Houma) to the names for these trees. This word is cognate with Alabama, Chickasaw, and Choctaw. Similarly, the found waksiná (Koasati) for the plants, and that is a loan from Cherokee (see above).
Page 676 - Bottom of left column, top of right - telpatli must be a mistake for tlepatli (fire medicine).
Page 678 - several common names were omitted from the index. These are climbing-sumac (insert p. 827), cow-itch (insert p. 830), mercury [marcory] (insert p. 863), poison creeper [ivy, oak] (insert p. 878), three-leaf ivy (insert p. 896).
Page 692-693 - the text should refer to Uvularia sessilifolia or U. sessilifolia and not "sessiliflora."
Page 695 -Linguist Jack Martin is translating an old Timucuan text with Spanish equivalents. He tells me that the Timucua word for Vaccinium spp. is yucuta, rendered arándano in Spanish. The early Europeans mistook several American species for the one called "whortleberry" in English (V. myrtillus).
Page 726 - I avoided the derivation of the species name of Zanthoxylum fagara, because at the time I had no idea what it was. Subsequently, questions from Richard Felger sent me on a quest to figure it out. Several sources suggest that fagara came from Arabic. Dorothea Bedigian was kind enough to contact an Arabic-speaking colleague of hers, and we learned that the term does exist in that language. Instead of being a designator for a plant, it is a derogatory term for a lady of easy virtue ("slut" is what he said). That meaning makes the derivation of the name used by Avicenna for an unknown plant suspect (Quattrocchi 2000). It seems likely that fagara was a loan word transcribed by Avicenna.
A little more searching showed that Linnaeus (1753) cited Osbeck's Flora of China. The Chinese name of the Rutaceae is 花椒属 (pepper flower family), and Peng (2000) lists 山生椒 (山=shan, mountain) for Z. piperitum [and 刺花椒 (刺=ci, thorn) for Z. simulans], [one of] the Szechuan peppers of commerce. Several other species have 花椒 (花=hua=flower, 椒=jiao=pepper) as the basic element of common names with modifiers. An alternate name is 山椒 (shan jiao, mountain pepper).
Probably the first Westerner to record the Chinese name was Kaempfer in 1712. According to Thunberg (1784) Kaempfer wrote the name as sanfjo (modern shan jiao). Thunberg himself wrote also the Japanese name as sanfjo.
Page 728 - Names for maize (Zea mays) in some other languages have been located. These are in the Caddoan language family as có·kˀas (Caddoan), hí·kwirkˀ (Wichita), re·ksu (Pawnee) (Taylor 1963; Taylor, A. R. Comparative Caddoan. ;International Journal of American Linguistics 29(2): 113-131). Page 729 lists tanchi. These are also spelled tãnchi (corn, Choctaw) and tanchi' (corn, Chickasaw) (Broadwell 1992; Reconstructing Proto-Muskogean language and prehistory: preliminary results, talk given at a conference in St. Augustine, FL; also www.albany.edu/anthro/fac/broadwell/flora.pdf).
Brown and Hardy (2000; Brown, C. H. and H. K. Hardy. What is Houma? International Journal of American Linguistics 66(4):521-548) added tântce' (Houma) and tãči (Mobilian) to the Muskogean words for maize. These words are cognate with Alabama, Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Koasati terms.
Page 731 - Right column, paragraph 3, line 2 from bottom - "…stewed to make edible." Should read "…to make them…"
Page 733 - Figure legend of Zephyranthes - "walbos" should be "albos"
Page 737 - Left paragraph, paragraph 1, line 6 - There should be a period after "mays."
Page 738 - Right column, first paragraph. My mistranslation of Linnaeus's "habitat in Indiis" lead me astray on the sentence. His phrase actually means "grows in the Indies."
The sentence (line 5) should read "Linnaeus ( 1957) said that they were only found in [East and West] Indies (habitat in Indiis)."
Page 769 - Hutchinson and Dalziel 1937 - is an erroneous duplication of Dalziel 1937 listed earlier (p. 755).